Bill Kristol Gives “Orwellian” New Meaning
Back in December, I published a post about William Kristol and his then-recent appointment as a contributor to the New York Times’ Op-Ed page. Since then, I have often wanted to follow up on the original post and attack the kind of intellectually dishonest rhetoric that I predicted he would produce and which he has gladly delivered. But I held my tongue, knowing that readers of this site are capable of sifting through his nonsense on their own.
Today, however, I read his piece titled “Democrats Should Read Kipling,” and couldn’t believe the level to which his manipulative proselytizing had risen. In this column piece, Kristol is attempting to justify the Bush warrant-less eavesdropping program, chastise the House for failing to immediately pass the bill legalizing it, and scare the general public into sacrificing their Fourth Amendment rights for the sake of security; all with the help of… George Orwell? For those of you who see the glaring contradiction in this strategy and are confused by the fact that Kristol and Orwell make extremely strange bedfellows, you are not alone.
Kristol, while apparently perusing a used bookstore in the Milwaukee airport, stumbled upon a volume of Orwell’s essays. One of these, written in 1942, dealt with Rudyard Kipling, the Indian-born British author and poet. Kristol says:
[…] Kipling “identified himself with the ruling power and not with the opposition.”
“In a gifted writer,” Orwell remarks, “this seems to us strange and even disgusting, but it did have the advantage of giving Kipling a certain grip on reality.” Kipling “at least tried to imagine what action and responsibility are like.” For, Orwell explains, “The ruling power is always faced with the question, ‘In such and such circumstances, what would you do?’, whereas the opposition is not obliged to take responsibility or make any real decisions.” Furthermore, “where it is a permanent and pensioned opposition, as in England, the quality of its thought deteriorates accordingly.”
If I may vulgarize the implications of Orwell’s argument a bit: substitute Republicans for Kipling and Democrats for the opposition, and you have a good synopsis of the current state of American politics.
This is very typical of Kristol. He has found a few passages in a five and a half thousand-word essay that he sees can be easily construed to fit in line with his warped world view, and ignored the portions that cannot. It could be acceptable, albeit embarrassing for Kristol, to omit certain ideas contained in this essay, if, because of its length and his tight schedule, he had not read the entire piece. But even if he hasn’t read it all, it seems impossible to have missed these two lines, the first of which comes directly before the portions Kristol quotes (above), the second coming immediately afterwards:
One reason for Kipling’s power as a good bad poet I have already suggested–his sense of responsibility, which made it possible for him to have a world-view, even though it happened to be a false one. Although he had no direct connexion with any political party, Kipling was a Conservative, a thing that does not exist nowadays. Those who now call themselves Conservatives are either Liberals, Fascists or the accomplices of Fascists.
And:
Kipling sold out to the British governing class, not financially but emotionally. This warped his political judgement, for the British ruling class were not what he imagined, and it led him into abysses of folly and snobbery […]
Again, all of these statements are in the same paragraph, which happens to be the last of the essay. Strangely, Kristol has not chosen to include these in his article, because they are not flattering to conservatives in the first instance, and tarnish the one dimensional image of Kipling that he is trying to convey in the second. Instead, he hopes that he can quote the sixty-six year old essay selectively, and because of its age and relative obscurity, no one reading the NYT will know the difference. This is the picture of academic and journalistic deceit.
Kristol’s aim in writing this piece is to portray the Republican Party, which he considers to be the real “governing” party, as the bearers of an immense burden, that of being forced to make important, complicated decisions. “Many Democrats, on the other hand, no longer even try to imagine what action and responsibility are like,” he announces. This is the worst kind of self-pitying mixed with self-glorification; he means to insinuate that he and his buddies in the GOP are the only ones that truly understand the weight they carry in protecting the country from Evil. He points out that over the last forty years, Republicans have controlled the White House for a total of twenty-eight. That statistic, though it does show that, in general, Republican have had a larger share of power, hardly renders the Democratic Party and all of its members a “permanent and pensioned opposition.” I really, honestly, wonder whether Kristol even knows what the word “pensioned” means in this context, because if he did, he would immediately see the idiocy of this argument. Obviously, the Democrats are not pensioned or resigned to a position of permanent and inferior opposition against the Republicans: they took control of both Houses of Congress, and are in serious contention for the presidency. Kristol is very right when he mentions, at the beginning of the article, that the works of George Orwell are often applicable to modern American politics, but not in this particular instance, and not in the way that he seems to think they do.
After dismissing the Democratic Party as irrelevant and unable to imagine What It Takes To Lead, he applies these assumptions to the members of the House, who, rightly, declined to unquestioningly pass legislation giving law-breaking corporations immunity for past actions. As already mentioned, the bill in question, if passed, would give the president and telecommunications companies the power to eavesdrop on American phone calls, emails, and other types of communication, without a warrant, and in direct violation of the Fourth Amendment. Kristol believes that our right against unreasonable searches and seizures should be considered trivial in the face of the threat of terror. He says that:
The director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Gen. Michael Hayden, the director of national intelligence, the retired Vice Admiral Mike McConnell, and the attorney general, the former federal judge Michael Mukasey, are highly respected and nonpolitical officials with little in the way of partisanship or ideology in their backgrounds. They have all testified, under oath, that in their judgments, certain legal arrangements regarding surveillance abilities are important to our national security.
Not all Democrats have refused to listen. In the Senate, Jay Rockefeller, chairman of the Intelligence Committee, took seriously the job of updating the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act in light of technological changes and court decisions. His committee produced an impressive report, and, by a vote of 13 to 2, sent legislation to the floor that would have preserved the government’s ability to listen to foreign phone calls and read foreign e-mail that passed through switching points in the United States.
Even assuming the questionable characterization of these men as being “nonpartisan” is true, this is still an example of how Kristol and his cronies are trying to downplay the implications of the revised FISA bill. The phrase “that passed through switching points in the United States” completely miscontrues what the bill does. Rather than allowing the government to spy on foreign-to-foreign communications only, it allows them to spy on any call or email between any normal American and anyone overseas, whether it be a terrorist in the mountains of Pakistan or your cousin in London. The real danger is the precedent it sets, namely, that warrants are a inconvenient waste of time. This is the most important issue. The government would be free to eavesdrop all they wanted, if they would bother to get a warrant. But they cannot do that, because then they would need a good reason to spy on you. With this bill, they do not. The next step is listening in on every communication, regardless of its destination or origination, even if it is from Cleveland to Columbus. Similarly, he uses the words “certain legal arrangement” to describe the legalization of obviously illegal actions that have been taken by the government. There is a term generally used for this kind of PR strategy: Orwellian.
And herein lies the greatest irony of this article. Kristol attempts to employ the words of George Orwell, the original, most respected, and most articulate critic of the modern police state, in defending legislation that all but establishes one. Orwell wrote 1984 and countless essays warning us of the dangers of allowing the government to monopolize too much power and of surrendering our privacy to them, especially when it is being coerced away from us with fear tactics, threatening us with annihilation at the hands of Goldstein Bin Laden. He is the last person Kristol should be looking to for a justification to trample on the constitution.
Let’s pretend for a minute, as Kristol would like us to do, that the analogy between Kipling and the Republicans is a valid one. I wonder how Kristol would feel when his beloved party was compared with Orwell’s view of Kipling in this passage, also from the same essay:
It is no use claiming, for instance, that when Kipling describes a British soldier beating a ‘nigger’ with a cleaning rod in order to get money out of him, he is acting merely as a reporter and does not necessarily approve what he describes. There is not the slightest sign anywhere in Kipling’s work that he disapproves of that kind of conduct–on the contrary, there is a definite strain of sadism in him, over and above the brutality which a writer of that type has to have.









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