Hillary’s Baffling and Dangerous Campaign Tactics
Ever since John Edwards dropped out of the nomination race, I have stayed basically undecided between the remaining Democratic candidates, Obama and Clinton. That is, until recently.
As I discussed yesterday, the mood of this campaign has taken a decidedly negative turn, driven almost entirely by the Clinton camp. She and her advisers have decided that resorting to fear-provoking tactics is the best way to blemish Obama’s image, scaring the public into voting for her and her long history of “experience.”
I noted yesterday that this strategy is myopic on all sides, that regardless of who becomes the Democratic nominee, whether it be Clinton or Obama, it will do no good in the long run. The logical outcome of this sort of campaign is one that bolsters McCain and harms his opponent.
Today, however, Clinton has taken it to a new level. Before, with the “three a.m.” ads and the general attacks on Obama, she and her campaign were unintentionally helping John McCain (at least I assumed it was unintentional). Perhaps just insinuating the she and Senator McCain were better suited than Obama to become president was not enough, because today she said it, flat out:
Look, I have said Senator McCain will bring a lifetime of experience to the campaign, I will bring a lifetime of experience, and Senator Obama will bring a speech he made in 2002.
And:
I think that since we now know Senator McCain will be the nominee for the Republican Party, national security will be front and center in this election. We all know that. And I think it’s imperative that each of us be able to demonstrate we can cross the commander-in-chief threshold.
I believe that I’ve done that. Certainly, Senator McCain has done that, and you’ll have to ask Senator Obama with respect to his candidacy.
What, exactly, is she trying to do here? Am I the only one that thinks she sounds like McCain’s running mate? It was bad enough when she was satisfied just attempting to destroy Obama’s image. Now, she not only questions Obama’s ability to handle national security, but bewilderingly, unnecessarily, brings up John McCain and showers him with praise and attests to his preparedness. Please, someone explain to me how this strategy is supposed to pan out? How can it possibly benefit her OR Obama? All she is doing is taking on McCain’s work for him, taking cheap shots at her fellow party member and coming up with handy attacks for the McCain campaign to use in the general election.

Jonathan Alter at Newsweek.com showed, using a delegate calculator, that even in the very best of circumstances (Clinton winning every single state from here on out; some, like Pennsylvania, by staggering margins), she will still be behind Obama in the overall delegate count. If events pan out, even as positively for Clinton as they do in the Alter experiment, then the only way Clinton could clinch the nomination is through the influence of the superdelegates. Unless her advisers are completely inept, they must know this as well. Why, then, resort to this strategy of tearing apart the other Democratic candidate and boosting the image of the Republican? I cannot assume to know how the superdelegates will interpret her statements, but if any of them are concerned about the cohesion and strength of the party, they should be appalled. If I were a superdelegate, and a Democratic candidate were speaking like this, there would be absolutely no way I would support them.
The McCain praise is not the only shocking statement the Clinton campaign has made in the last 24 hours. Howard Wolfson, a spokesman for her campaign, today compared Barack Obama to Kenneth Starr (you all remember that name), because Obama continues to ask that Senator Clinton releases her tax returns to the public. (An interesting side note: while she was running for the Senate in 2000, Clinton made a lot of noise about her then-opponent, Rich Lazio, not releasing his tax returns… exactly what she now keeps putting off herself). Again, I cannot see how comparing Obama to Starr helps her chances in getting the nomination. Not only is the comparison a complete and idiotic misnomer with no basis in reality, it brings up an uncomfortable time for the Democratic Party. The public does not want to go through that again, and by calling attention to Starr in any way, Wolfson simply reminds voters how much of a lightning rod for right-wing criticism the Clintons are. When asked to comment on Wolfson’s statement, Senator Clinton, for some reason, refused to comment.
Finally, this news came out of the Canadian press today:
A storm of reports in the Canadian media say that the Nafta-gate flap last week involving Barack Obama was started by a key aide to Canada’s prime minister - who told journalists that Hillary Clinton’s campaign - not Obama’s - had contacted the Canadian government to play down its Nafta-bashing.
Apparently, the story about Obama giving the Canadians the “ole’ wink wink” (Clinton’s words), got mixed up at some point. It was, in fact, the Clinton campaign that reassured the Canadian government there would be no major changes to the the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement if she became president. And why not? It was her husband’s administration that pushed NAFTA into existence, and she has made plenty of statements applauding the agreement in the past. When Obama and his campaign denied ever reaching out to our northern neighbors on this subject, he wasn’t lying.
Woops. While this story was being published and reported incorrectly in the United States, Clinton was quick to criticize Obama over it, insinuating, most importantly to voters in Ohio, that he could not be trusted to stick to his word and reform or repeal the agreement if he becomes president. There is nothing more sickening then finding out that the entire time, it was really the work of her own campaign that she was rallying so strongly against. Even more disheartening is that the story and Clinton’s response to it almost certainly had a significant impact on the March 4 primaries, especially in Ohio.
All of these things ad up to make Senator Clinton and her campaign look pretty ugly. If she insists on lavishing John McCain with warm accolades and denigrating Obama (beyond what is necessary for a primary election season), then I do not see how Democrats, both within the upper echelons of the party and its every day members, can continue to support her. All of her recent actions and statements have seemed to suggest that she would rather see John McCain become president than see Barack Obama become the Democratic nominee.
Many of the political pundits and Democratic strategists are saying that this long and drawn out race for the nomination will be good for the party: it will further clarify the stances of each candidate; it will energize the party base; it will focus media attention on the Democrats while McCain’s coverage gets muted in the background. But none of that will matter if, after a nominee has emerged, Obama looks like a weakling on national security and a traitor to America, and Clinton looks like best friends with John McCain, and has isolated Obama’s enormous base. If she somehow becomes the nominee, how can she possibly expect the millions of young, dedicated Obama supporters to suddenly change heart and embrace her candidacy? If the Democratic candidates are really concerned about putting a member of their party in the White House next year, they both need to stay away from viscous personality-based attacks, and Hillary Clinton, if nothing else, needs to stop the love-fest with John McCain.







good. It is infuriating, to me personally, that the whims of two states representing a tiny fraction of the American public can have such a substantial effect on the fate of the presidential race, and thereby the republic as a whole. But these frustrations, as much as I would like to now expand on them, are currently irrelevant, and should be reserved for a later date. What I do want to discuss, however, is what the Edwards campaign contributed to the general direction of the Democratic struggle for the presidency, and, vastly more important, the consciousness of the nation.
All the major news outlets in this country are owned by a handful of corporations: the television channels, the newspapers, the magazines, and many important websites. The reporters and journalists employed by these powerful conglomerates are often forced to report what they are told, to shape the issues and the reality of American life into the vision that their bosses have. The alternative is often the loss of their job (see the documentary The Corporation, one version is
<Yeah, she should be smiling!>


